[Salon] China’s export control regime on rare earths isn’t retaliation for recent US restrictions – it’s a response to overall US policy



Winston Mok

The View | Can Scott Bessent see China’s trade counterstrike with clear eyes?

China’s export control regime on rare earths isn’t retaliation for recent US restrictions – it’s a response to overall US policy

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent arrives for trade talks with Chinese Vice-Premier He Lifeng in Madrid, Spain on September 14. Photo: AFP
21 Oct 2025
After a video call last Saturday, US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and Chinese Vice-Premier He Lifeng are expected to meet in Malaysia this week to hopefully ease tensions before US President Donald Trump and President Xi Jinping potentially meet on the sidelines of this year’s Apec summit. The meeting was in doubt when Trump threatened to impose an additional 100 per cent tariff on China, despite later relenting that it might not be sustainable.
Washington blamed Beijing for the escalation, attributing China’s behaviour to its own economic problems. China in turn held the US responsible for the escalation, citing how the US Commerce Department tightened restrictions on affiliated subsidiaries of Chinese companies on the entity list on September 29.
Bessent called China’s coming export controls on rare earths, announced on October 9, a “substantial unprovoked escalation”. The treasury secretary might be one of the smartest people in the Trump administration, but he missed the big picture. China’s latest controls are a response to 10 years of policy, not 10 days of provocations.

To better understand China’s latest move, Bessent must look inward. He could start by reviewing US legislation against China over the past decade or more. To gain a deeper insight, he should learn Chinese history to see how the country’s leaders responded to past adversity and humiliation with strategic patience. China’s restrictions were not authorised in a vacuum. They were the result of rigorous deliberation.

Regardless of whether the 100 per cent tariff threat was a rational response, Trump had at least an intuitive grasp of the situation. Even though the export control measures announced by China are quite complex, Trump understood the gravity of the situation when he saw the share price corrections of Apple and Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company in the aftermath.

China’s intricate export control framework is not the product of a 10-day scramble after September 29 but rather the result of patient planning. China was waiting for the opportune moment and the US obligingly provided the perfect pretext.

A worker produces semiconductor chips at a factory in Suqian, Jiangsu province, in February 2023. Photo: AFP
A worker produces semiconductor chips at a factory in Suqian, Jiangsu province, in February 2023. Photo: AFP

To resolve the stand-off, the US negotiation team must understand this: China was not responding to extra provocative measures unveiled by the US. Beijing has been preparing for a strategic counterstrike against cumulative American hostility for more than a decade.

The litany of Washington’s attempts at containing China is long: from restrictions on Huawei to policing the global semiconductor supply chain to shipbuilding and global shipping. From tariffs to an ever-expanding list of tech restrictions, the US has normalised it all. All the while, China was by no means accepting these suppressive measures. It was biding its time, meticulously preparing for the right time to strike.
China is not merely responding to the tariffs and restrictions implemented by the US since “Liberation Day”, but a long history of suppressive measures dating back to the Obama administration, expanded by the first Trump administration, escalated by the Biden administration, and culminating in the comprehensive manoeuvres by the White House in the last few months.

China’s “extraordinarily aggressive” position should not mystify the US. It mirrors America’s own playbook. China is merely doing unto the US what the US has been doing to China. You reap what you sow.

US President Joe Biden imposes tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles, semiconductors, solar equipment and medical supplies on May 14, 2024. Photo: AP
US President Joe Biden imposes tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles, semiconductors, solar equipment and medical supplies on May 14, 2024. Photo: AP

Given the asymmetric trading relationship, China cannot effectively respond likes with likes: tariffs for tariffs or port fees for port fees. In one masterstroke, China is responding to all the blows it has endured from the US for more than a decade.

The announced regulatory scheme in relation to the rare earth supply chain is not a blunt instrument like a tariff but rather a surgical tool that can be used with nuance and precision. China does not seek to wreak havoc on the world economy by totally restricting the flow of rare earths and products they help produce. Rather, it wants to signal to the US that it wants a reset of their technology and economic relationships.

China is making a statement that the supply chains of the US and China – even at the critical level – are now truly interdependent. The implication is stark: endless escalation is no longer viable, and the US must contemplate dismantling the very tech restrictions it has spent years constructing.

China rebukes US for causing ‘unnecessary panic’ with remarks on rare earth controls

As Bessent prepares the ground in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, he must transcend the myopic blame narrative and confront an uncomfortable truth: the asymmetric order the US has engineered is collapsing under its own contradictions. Washington must reckon with its legacy, from Huawei’s suppression to extraterritorial tech controls, and accept that its de-risking strategy has paradoxically amplified global vulnerabilities.

The path forward demands that the US shed its self-righteous denial and recognise the fact that containment boomerangs. Trump carries a unique duality as the architect of escalated containment who is pragmatic enough to recognise its failure, hence his recent admission that he doesn’t want to hurt China.

Trump commands the vision, instinct and political capital necessary to forge a historic grand bargain between these intertwined powers. Gyeongju, South Korea – where this year’s Apec summit is due to be held – could witness a Nixon-to-China moment for the ages if Trump and Xi can transcend the containment trap and build a recalibrated framework built on their economies’ inescapable interdependence.
Winston Mok, a private investor, was previously a private equity investor. He held senior regional positions with EMP Global and GE Capital, and was a McKinsey consultant and initiated its China practice. Winston obtained his bachelor and master degrees from MIT.



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